Nawaf Salam Can Become our Next Prime Minister, Here's How

Who is Nawaf Salam?

Nawaf Salam is a Lebanese diplomat, jurist, and scholar who has built an impressive career blending international law, diplomacy, and a commitment to reform. Currently serving as a judge on the International Court of Justice (ICJ) since 2018, Salam is one of the rare figures from Lebanon to hold such a prominent global role.

Before joining the ICJ, he represented Lebanon at the United Nations for a decade, serving as the country's Permanent Representative from 2007 to 2017. During this time, he played a critical role in Lebanon's tenure on the UN Security Council (2010–2011), addressing complex issues at the intersection of global diplomacy and regional challenges.

Beyond his diplomatic career, Salam has a rich academic background, holding degrees from the Sorbonne, Harvard, and Columbia University. He has taught and written extensively on international law, Middle Eastern politics, and diplomacy, cementing his reputation as both a thinker and a practitioner.

Known for his reformist views, he has consistently called for good governance and accountability in Lebanese politics, making him a respected voice in a country grappling with systemic issues. Salam's career reflects a rare blend of intellectual rigor, diplomatic skill, and a clear vision for justice and progress.

Why We Need Him Now

If I were Nawaf Salam, tasked with holding Israel accountable for its ongoing genocide through the ICJ, I wouldn’t abandon such a critical mission to become the prime minister of a country where most politicians are either entrenched in militia dynamics or neck-deep in mafia-style corruption. However, in light of the historic election of Joseph Aoun as president and the transformative period Lebanon is entering, I’d have to reconsider.

Lebanon desperately needs reformists who stand apart from the ruling class, especially for all the reasons I laid out yesterday—judicial appointments, the central bank governorship, leadership of security agencies, and our diplomatic corps. But there’s one more thing to add: the next prime minister will oversee the flow of massive reconstruction funds if Lebanon manages to break free from Hezbollah’s grip and its allied corrupt political elites—killon ya3ne killon. Now imagine billions of dollars coming in, only to be controlled by the likes of Najib Mikati and Nabih Berri. It would be a repeat of the post-Civil War era when reconstruction funds were looted, leaving Lebanon in an even deeper mess. So, people will remain homeless, and the only beneficiary will be Hezbollah’s Qard El Hassan, which will use the opportunity to recoup its losses from the shutdown of the Captagon trade.

How We Can Get the Votes

I’m no mathematician, but let’s do some back-of-the-napkin calculations. To get Nawaf Salam as prime minister, we need over 64 votes. Starting with the presidential election numbers, we have: the Opposition Bloc with 31 MPs, the Change Bloc with 12, Jumblatt’s Bloc with 8, and 2 MPs aligned with Neemat Frem. That gives us a starting total of 53 MPs backing Nawaf Salam.

Now, buckle up, because here’s a wild idea to secure the 13 additional votes needed to not just cross the 65 threshold but reach a comfortable 66: bring in the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM). I know—our collective history with them is filled with baggage, mistrust, and outright hostility. They detained me four times for hurting their feelings on Instagram, smeared me relentlessly, and tried to spin their leader’s abysmal record as anything but a disaster. Their alliance with Hassan Nasrallah has cost Lebanon dearly, and their leader, Gebran Bassil, is now sanctioned by the U.S. for his Hezbollah ties and completely isolated politically.

But here’s the thing—Gebran’s presidential ambitions are effectively dead, and he’s been making noises about distancing himself from Hezbollah. Whether out of desperation or strategy, he’s always given the excuse that his hands were tied by Nabih Berri and the rest of the corrupt elite, even though for some reason he partnered with in nearly every ministry he controlled. While that’s hard to swallow, the reality is Hezbollah’s weakening grip means they can no longer anoint him as president. So he has no reason to stick with them. With his bloc shrinking and his political capital in freefall, this could be his moment to attempt some semblance of beginning for redemption for his crimes of selling Lebanon off to Nasrallah.

So, Gebran, here’s your chance. For once, put your money where your mouth is and vote for Nawaf Salam. Hezbollah won’t save you anymore—those days are over. You’re isolated, and your best play now is to screw over the corrupt elite you once cozied up to and show that you’re capable of putting Lebanon first. Use your MPs to help this country break free from the dark Assad-Nasrallah era you so willingly supported. This isn’t just about redemption for you—it’s about finally doing something that benefits Lebanon and the Lebanese people for a change.

Final Thoughts

We’re running out of time, and the days of purity tests and virtue signaling are long behind us. It’s time to govern. The reality is stark: we only have 12–13 MPs on our Thawra side, out of 128. If we’re serious about change, we’ll need to vote alongside those we despise at times, as long as it’s for the greater good. This is one of those moments.

Predictably, the Hezbollah orbit is already spinning excuses. They’re claiming that the ICJ and Nawaf Salam are somehow sanctioned by the U.S. Congress, making it difficult to secure reconstruction funds to rebuild what Israel destroyed—destruction that wouldn’t have happened without Nasrallah’s failed “support front” for Gaza. This narrative shows either ignorance or deliberate disinformation, as Congress recently voted to sanction the ICC, not the ICJ. Nawaf Salam won’t face any such sanctions.

And let’s set the record straight: Nawaf Salam has done more to hold Israel accountable for its crimes than the so-called Axis of Resistance has managed in their entire existence. The smears against him are just a deflection from their own failures to achieve anything meaningful for Lebanon or Palestine.

The past few weeks and months have shown us that the unimaginable can become reality. Things we never thought possible have begun to shift. This is not business as usual—unless we allow it to be. If the corrupt political elites are allowed to suck the momentum from Joseph Aoun’s presidency, it will only lead us back to another October 17. But it doesn’t have to.

We have a chance to learn from October 17, to break free from the cycle of party, sect, and zaim politics that has strangled this country for far too long. For once, we can choose to act differently—for the sake of all of us, not just a privileged few. This is our moment to rise above the divisions and pettiness, to do what’s right for Lebanon and its people, and to chart a new course toward real reform and accountability. Let’s not let this moment slip away.